Donald Trump has spent this week searching for a way to force the Strait of Hormuz back open, and the search keeps returning him to the same uncomfortable truth. Every option he has left is either unworkable, unpopular, or dangerous. On Monday he floated a plan to charge commercial ships a fee worth roughly a fifth of their cargo, presenting it as fair payment for the American warships that keep the channel safe. By Tuesday afternoon he had abandoned the idea and reimposed a naval blockade of Iran's ports, an admission that the crisis had slipped back into open confrontation.

The waterway matters far beyond the Gulf. Close to a fifth of the world's oil and a large share of its liquefied natural gas pass through a channel that narrows to a few miles of navigable water. When Iran shut it after the February strikes on its leadership, insurance costs for tankers jumped several times over within days, Brent crude pushed past 100 dollars a barrel for the first time in years, and thousands of ships found themselves stranded in the Gulf with nowhere safe to sail.

The toll that looked like a ransom

Trump's proposed transit fee was meant to solve a political problem rather than a military one. American voters have grown weary of paying to protect trade that flows mostly to Asia and Europe, and the president wanted the beneficiaries to share the cost. The trouble is that a levy on ships moving through an international strait looks less like a service charge and more like a ransom. His own Secretary of State and Vice-President said plainly that no country can charge for passage through international waters, and if Washington tried to do so it would be adopting the very logic it has spent months denouncing in Tehran.

So the fee gave way to a softer pitch. Rather than tax the ships directly, Trump now wants Gulf states to reimburse American protection through large investment deals, a framing that lets him claim a return without stationing a tollbooth in the channel. Whether Riyadh, Abu Dhabi and Doha will pay for security they feel they are already owed is another matter.

A blockade that cuts both ways

The military track is no simpler. The United States has already sunk Iranian minelayers, destroyed a frigate and captured tankers, yet Iran has kept finding ways to make the strait deadly. Its arsenal for this fight is cheap and hard to counter, built around sea mines, swarms of small boats, drone craft and shore-launched missiles. Clearing mines is slow work carried out under threat of fire, and stopping the drones and missiles at their source would mean putting American troops on the Iranian coastline, an escalation that still would not stop weapons fired from deeper inland.

The navy could probably reopen the strait by force. The question is how many ships it is willing to lose and how many sailors it is willing to bury to do it.

That is the calculation Trump keeps circling. A determined campaign could break the blockade, but it would demand a huge commitment of ships and men and would accept, in advance, that some of them would not come home. For a president who won office promising fewer foreign entanglements, ordering a sustained naval war in the Gulf is a hard thing to sell, even to his own supporters.

Diplomacy that will not hold

The one path that briefly worked was the deal signed in Islamabad in June, when Trump and President Masoud Pezeshkian agreed to end the war and reopen the channel for a set window of free and safe passage. It held for only a matter of weeks. Iran struck commercial ships again, the truce unraveled, and this week the memorandum collapsed altogether as Iranian forces hit targets across the Gulf and American facilities in the region. Tehran's message was blunt, delivered by an army spokesman who said the strait would not reopen under American pressure.

That leaves Trump where he started, only with less room to maneuver. The fee has been shelved as unworkable, the blockade is back but resolves nothing on its own, a full military campaign carries a cost he has not been willing to pay, and the diplomacy has already failed once in plain view. The Strait of Hormuz remains one of the few places on earth where a weaker power can hold the global economy hostage with mines and small boats, and for now it is doing exactly that. The president has no good options. He has only the least bad one, and he has not yet decided which that is.